Yippee! I Have A Troll!
Update: I guess I scared him away. The Masochist Troll species must be especially sensitive to light.
Better To Light A Candle Than Curse The Darkness
Sifting through claims on nukes by Stephen Handelman
North Korea could now have as many as 10 nuclear weapons. Iran may be building its first. All of a sudden, the world looks a little more dangerous than it did last month.
Except we don't know whether these allegations, both of which surfaced in the past week, are true.
Blame it on the global atmosphere of mistrust, which is turning out to be one of the most notorious consequences of the Iraq war. Analysts are now paying more attention to the sources of intelligence reports than the intelligence itself.
Considering how often "intelligence" ends up being the opposite, that should be healthy. But, in some areas, it can lead to paralysis.
The pseudo-proofs of Iraqi nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the months before the war have done incalculable damage to the science and politics of curbing arms proliferation. That's a shame, because the threat posed by such weapons falling into the hands of what academics call "non-state-actors" (read: terrorists) has never been greater.
During the U.S. presidential campaign debates this fall, John Kerry and George Bush were asked what they considered the most serious challenge of the next four years. They each answered WMD proliferation, a remarkable show of agreement that was buried in reporting about the campaign.
Where they differed, of course, was how to deal with the issue. Kerry was committed to direct negotiations with the two most worrying would-be nuclear powers (Iran and North Korea), while Bush preferred to operate on two tracks: first, through a coalition of countries that could offer economic and energy assistance in return for nuclear concessions, and the second through unilateral pressure that ranged from sanctions to outright military attack, in what one U.S. official last week called the "good cop, bad cop" approach.
It is now, of course, Bush's approach that has carried the day, though, since the issue never became part of the campaign, it's hard to claim any electoral mandate for it.
Not that it would matter: No voter was ever asked to approve the "pre-emptive foreign policy" which the president used to justify the Iraq invasion.
In any case, the problem of winning over foreign skeptics — particularly in Asia and the Middle East — overshadows the policy choices themselves. It may even undermine them.
What can we, in fact, believe?
The allegations about North Korea's nuclear weapons come from a prestigious international organization, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group, which lists former Canadian policymakers on its board.
The ICG, which has been paying close attention to the North Korea issue for several years, says now that any doubts about that country's nuclear capabilities should be removed.
"It almost certainly has enough bombs to deter an attack and still have some to sell to other states or even terrorist groups," the ICG concluded in a 36-page report released Nov. 15.
Protecting sources a fundamental right
Spectator reporter Ken Peters has kept his word and protected the identity of a confidential source.
In doing so, Peters has reaffirmed the principle that protecting confidential sources is fundamental to freedom of the press. It is also a fundamental component of our integrity as a newspaper and a profession and it is critical to our ability to maintain the public trust.
Peters wrote a series of newspaper stories in 1995 based on sensitive documents leaked to him. He was subpoenaed to testify in a $15.5-million civil suit launched by St. Elizabeth Villa, a Hamilton retirement home, against the former region of Hamilton-Wentworth, the city of Hamilton and public officials.
Last week, he was ordered by the trial judge to identify one of two people in a 1995 meeting at which he was handed the sensitive documents. He refused, testifying that doing so would ultimately reveal the identity of his source. He was cited for contempt of court. He could face a fine or jail term.
It is the kind of tough situation journalists can face in doing their jobs — the sort of decision we in the media hope we never have to make. But we know we may face such a dilemma at any time. And we know that those to whom we promise confidentiality rely on us to keep our word.
Those who put themselves at risk by providing news organizations with information we wouldn't otherwise obtain must be able to count on our promise to protect their identity. Without that fundamental trust, the media would often find themselves hamstrung in trying to fulfill a function as watchdogs on behalf of the broader community.
The decision to enter into a confidentiality agreement with a source is not made lightly. It is a step taken on issues of high public interest, when declining to promise confidentiality could prevent critical information from ever becoming public. Important stories could not be told.
The public's right to know is paramount and must be protected. To protect that right to know, the media's constitutionally entrenched right to gather and disseminate information must also be protected. Sometimes protecting those rights falls on the shoulders of an individual journalist.
The decision Peters made in court was his own to make. He has the full support of The Hamilton Spectator in the position he has taken on this issue that is so fundamental to the integrity of journalism.
We are proud of his stand and of what it says about our profession.
-At the same time the US was trying, in vain, to convince the UN Security council that war in Iraq was necessary, and when all of the nay-sayers were touting the line that a Security Council resolution was absolutely manditory for the US to send it's troops onto foreign soil, and at the same time they were saying that all the Americans were interested in was oil, the government of France sent it's troops into Cote D'Ivoire to protect French economic interests - Security Council resolutions be damned.
-Many commentators, before, during and after major combat operations in Iraq, have called American's actions there "unilateral" in nature. This, despite the fact that the American government has always presented it's case openly to the world, and has enjoyed the support of numerous other nations in this endeavour. What is never mentioned is the fact that during the American attempt to get an unnecessary 18th resolution through the Security Council the President of France, M. Jacques Chirac, boldly announced to the world that no matter how much support the Americans could muster, the government of France would use it's Security Council veto to ensure that the resolution would not pass. In other words, he was perfectly willing to act unilaterally to prevent armed actions against one of his country's biggest military clients.
-Osama Bin Laden was captured by the Sudanese government in the mid nineties and offered to the Americans, who already suspected him of being behind terrorist attacks against American targets. Bill Clinton decided for unfathomable reasons that it was too much trouble (not glamorous enough? doesn't turn the chicks on?) and let him go. Interestingly, the Democrats have been able to spin the theory that Bush's eight months in office (receiving his intelligence from a spy network both legally and financially crippled by his predecesor) make him equally guilty for not getting Bin Laden.